Afro-Indigenous Lives in Los Valles del Tuy, Venezuela

Marriage of Julián Bernal and Francisca “Pancha” Piñate
Julián Bernal and Francisca Piñate (nicknamed Pancha) were both natives of San Francisco de Yare and lived in the rural area near La Aguada Arriba.
They married very young in 1912. Pancha was 14 years old at the time, while Julián was likely around 18.

Their ages were deliberately altered (Pancha listed as 18, Julián as 24 or 18) to allow the marriage to proceed.

Although their marriage record has not been located yet in the Yare parish books, Carmen's Baptism record from August 1913 states that Julián was 25 years old by that time, which it aligns with her statement.
This was common practice in early 20th-century rural Venezuela, particularly when minors wished to marry. Although the legal marriage age varied by region and interpretation, it was widely believed that one needed to be at least 21 to marry without parental consent.

Discrepancy in Oral History and Official (Religious) Records

According to Carmen, her mother Pancha was raised by her older sister, Dominga, from the age of two (after her mother Rafaela died). However, based on the records—Rafaela’s burial in December 1900 and Pancha’s baptism stating her birth in October 1896— Pancha would have been four years old when she lost her mother. This suggests that Dominga began caring for Carmen later than she stated.

Carmen Andrea was the first child of Julián Bernal and Francisca “Pancha” Piñate. At the time of ther birth, the Bernal Piñate family was living in a house built by Julián on a route known locally as El Camino de los Indios (The Road of the Indigenean People). This path was believed by older residents to be haunted with the memories of violent deaths during the Independence War.

According to family accounts, unusual events began to occur in the home soon after Carmen’s arrival. Pancha described hearing persistent, plaintive sounds she likened to a small creature (un bicho que se quejaba), and finding unexpected curds (quesillos) in the household. On one occasion, Pancha reported encountering the source of the sound near a stone water-filter stand (tinajero). Startled and frightened, she felt unable to reach and grab the baby, who was Carmen Andrea. At that moment, Fidela (Carmen’s aunt) and Ramón Escalona (a close family friend) intervened and took Carmen to safety, while other family members assisted Pancha.

Interpreting the experience through the cultural frameworks of the time, where spiritual disturbances were understood as warnings tied to place and history, the family decided to abandon the house immediately and relocated shortly thereafter.

"El Camino de los Indios" (The Road of the Indigenean People)

Carmen's first home was located in La Aguada (San Francisco de Yare) in the heart of Los Valles del Tuy.
Long before the Spanish conquest, Indigenous settlements existed in these valleys. Caribbean tribes inhabited and dominated the region, particularly the Quiriquires, who were related to their neighboring groups, such as the Tomusos, Mariches, Meregotos, and Teques.
However, it was the Quiriquires who offered the greatest and fiercest resistance to the Spanish invasion in defense of their territories; therefore, the conquistadors often called the region "El Valle del Miedo" (The Valley of Fear). However, by the end of the 16th century, Spain had conquered and pacified Los Valles del Tuy. (Quintero Bernal, 2013)
Throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, although Spanish control was established, Indigenous presence persisted in the region, even as their social structures were dismantled. (Córdoba, 1989)
Initially, they became the slave labor force; however, later, the brought Africans displaced them, and they were under European domination (colonizers and religious orders) and were assigned under the Encomienda System.
This structure remained until social conflicts between the colonial aristocracy, the mayority of society and the enslaved workforce intensified in Los Valles del Tuy in the early 19th century (between 1810 and 1830), in parallel to Venezuelan wars of independence. (Quintero Bernal, 2013)
Thus, Carmen’s birthplace sat along a historic route in a region “where many people were killed during the war”.

Initial Health Crisis and Catholic Baptism

Due to the shock caused by the episode remembered as El Encanto in La Aguada, Pancha—still shaken by the incident— could not breastfeed Carmen. According to the oral account, the newborn experienced convulsions, urinated and streched out, leading the family to fear that she had died. Carmen was treated with herbal infusions and homemade remedies prepared under the guidance of a local nurse, Celsa, who became her “Madrina de Agua” (Water Godmother) when poured water over her.

A Water Godmother is a traditional figure, especially in Latin American Catholic communities, who performs an emergency ritual called a "baptism of necessity" or "pouring the water," blessing a baby in danger of death to protect it from negative energies and ensure its salvation, even though the official baptism must later be completed in the church. This godmother, often an older and devout woman, uses holy water, salt, candles, and prayers to consecrate the baby, wishing it health and happiness.

Celsa advised Pancha to have Carmen baptized quick. The official baptismal record shows she was baptized in the Catholic Church eight months later, on August 1913 with Castor Díaz and Carmen E. de Díaz listed as her godparents. The document does not mention Celsa, highlighting the distinction between ritual kinship recognized by the Church and ritual or protective kinship recognized by local community practice.

Within the family narrative, Carmen Andrea was later described as having been “persecuted by El Encanto,” reflecting how the community interpreted some early life illnesses or events without rational explanations, showing vulnerability through the cultural frameworks available in rural Valles del Tuy at the time. (Pollak-Eltz, 1994)

Later Supernatural Encounter and the "Encanto" Identity

Returning from a rosary, on the path from the area of Miquileno to the school, Carmen Andrea and her younger sister Rosa encountered a tall man dressed completely in black cashmere with a large felt hat and a silver-handled cane, whose face was veiled. She confronted him by making a sign of the cross, a gesture commonly used for spiritual protection within local Catholic practice.

From Edgar Mejías (fondly called "El Negro" Mejías), a healer who would become a family friend, she learned that this tall man was "The Encanto" (a dead man/ghost), the one who had tried to take her when she was a baby.
Carmen later used to go to him for consultations.

Popular beliefs and practices: The reliance on folk medicine, healers, and witchcraft, as well as the vulnerability to them, reflects a deep integration into non-modern local cultural systems, common among non-white rural populations. (Altez, 2006)

It is likely that the region "El Trapiche" that Carmen mentions in the story of her encounter with the "Encanto" refers to Hacienda Piñango, an estate bordered by the Tuy River to the north; the Yare River and Hacienda El Secual to the south (with the Lagartijo River in between); the Lagartijo or Yare River to the east; and Hacienda La Soledad to the west.

The hacienda’s main activities were sugarcane cultivation and timber production. It includes a trapiche (traditional sugar mill) used to produce panela (unrefined cane sugar) and aguardiente (a distilled spirit).

Carmen's dad Julián: Character & Work

Julián Bernal is portrayed as a womanizer (enamorado) who enjoyed parties; but also as orderly, reliable, and a man of business. He was notably industrious, working long hours—including nights—engaged in selling lumber, producing charcoal, and cultivating crops such as corn and tobacco.

Julián's Financial Ruin (Part I) and Morocota

Carmen describes the period of his dad's misfortune. Julián was "malvitado" (cursed/harmed by witchcraft) for life. This curse led one of his compadres to swindle him and steal his morocota.
He also started moving the family frequently, even to Ocumare ( located 11 km from Yare) and Caracas (75 km away). He became alcoholic.

• Morocota: An old American coin, known as the double eagle, that circulated in Venezuela (and in Colombia) in the 19th century (1830), as there was no official currency in the country. Their value was 20 dollars, but it was also worth its weight in gold (they were made of the equivalent of one ounce of pure gold). That is why it was so desired and coveted. Per Calcaño (El Castellano en Venezuela de 1897), General José Tadeo Monagas named it because he thought the figure on one side of the coin resembled a "Morocoto”, a freshwater fish native to South America. It circulated until 1933.

María’s Illness, Death, and the Attribution of Julián’s Affliction

This segment reconstructs, based on oral testimony, the events associated with María’s illness and death—she was Julián’s niece and Dominga’s daughter—and the subsequent interpretation of these events as the origin of Julián’s physical affliction.

According to the account, María developed a sudden illness characterized by convulsive episodes and extreme bodily symptoms, which were interpreted within the local cultural framework as the result of witchcraft. Julián intervenes to seek help for her and takes her to a woman recognized for her specialized knowledge in Santa Lucía. This practitioner attributed María’s illness to a malicious action carried out by a healer identified as Juan Pancho and warned that Julián would also suffer consequences for becoming involved.

The testimony portrays this healer as an ambiguous figure who combined healing practices with abusive behavior, including the prolonged isolation of María under the pretext of treatment. These practices are said to have contributed to the deterioration of María’s personal circumstances, including the dissolution of her previous romantic relationship. María later experienced persistent reproductive difficulties and died shortly after giving birth in a domestic setting during her final pregnancy, a practice that remained common in rural Venezuelan areas at the time. The newborn presented with severe neurological complications.

In early twentieth-century rural Venezuela, childbirth typically occurred in domestic settings and was attended by empirically trained midwives rather than by medical professionals (Armus, 2002; Cueto, 2004). Access to healthcare was non-existent for this social class.

Cultural Inequalities: Exploitation, Reputation, and Violence

The experiences of other female family members expose profound cultural vulnerabilities, especially those related to male power and exploitation.

Witchcraft as a tool of abuse and control:
The most shocking example is María, the daughter of Carmen Andrea's Aunt Dominga. Her serious illness, attributed to a curse, caused her to vomit "hairballs, cockroaches, snakes, anything". This curse was allegedly inflicted by a man who was supposed to treat her (a "shameless, lazy man" and a "bad witch doctor"), who took advantage of his position to remain "locked up with her in a room all day". This account exposes women's vulnerability to physical and sexual exploitation, disguised as home remedies and male authority figures.

Julián's Death

Julián died young, at 48 years old, from a very strong fever in July, having been seriously ill for only 24 h. By the time of his death, Carmen Andrea was married and raising her son, Enrique. Also, she commented that her dad was of Spanish descent.
Discrepancies in Oral History and Official (Religious) Records:
According to Carmen, her father died in July while she was raising her son Enrique. Official burial record shows Julián death in June of 1941, when Carmen was still pregnant of Enrique (he was born in September that year)

Liqui liqui: The national costume for men in Venezuela and Colombia. Traditionally, the white, beige, cream, or ecru is made of linen or cotton cloth, or even gabardine or wool. The outfit is made up of full-length trousers and a long-sleeved jacket with a rounded Nehru-style collar, which is fastened and decorated by a junta (chain link similar to a cufflink).
"At the end of the 19th century, it became a typical Venezuelan costume. It began to be linked with the Llanos and with the figure of the llanero, who is strong and popular, and it became a very nationalistic garment."... "It has been used as a symbol of a nationality linked to rural life, to the figure of the llanero, to the figure of the caudillo". (Rodriguez Lehmann, a professor of Literature and scholar of the history of fashion and clothing in Venezuela, comments in her book "With Strokes of Silk"). It is a simple, popular garment worn by rural men.

Another Supernatural Experience: The Voice

Carmen was later called by her second name, "Andrea," three times by a ghostly (fañosa) voice while sweeping, which she attributed to the Purgatory ánimas (souls) that were understood not as distant or abstract entities, but as active and proximate presences capable of communicating with the living through signs, dreams, and auditory manifestations (Christian, 1981). Within this cultural framework, experiences such as hearing a voice—especially when calling a person by name during everyday domestic activities— are commonly interpreted as manifestations of ánimas requesting prayers, attention, or acknowledgment (Marzal, 1994; Meyer, 2009). These encounters were not perceived as pathological or extraordinary but rather as culturally intelligible forms of spiritual interaction embedded in the domestic sphere and mediated largely through women’s daily labor (Altez, 2006). In late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Venezuela, belief in Ánimas del Purgatorio was a central component of popular Catholic religiosity, particularly in rural communities (Altez, 2006; Marzal, 1994).

Family Residences and Moving History

The interviewer prompts Carmen Andrea to recount the family's extensive history of moving after supernatural events.
The family's residences included La Aguada Arriba, which was closer to the La Aguada well, San Antonio, Los Añiles (where Juliancito was born), Caracas, and returning to a ranch. They eventually lived near La Aguada again, where Carmen Andrea met Jesús María (her future husband).

Carmen Andrea's Schooling (Part I)

Due to limited space in the only public school in the town, she received private lessons from her comadre Ana Graciela Francia (her future half-sister-in-law), paying two bolívares monthly.
She then attended classes with Ms. Blanca Lovera Houtman.
These facts suggest the limitation of the access to public school for all the population. (Quintero, 2002)

Mother Pancha's Domestic Work

Pancha's substantial economic and domestic contributions to the family.
• Work: Pancha managed the house, raised chickens and pigs, cultivated the conuco (small farm), prepared arepas (corn cakes), and was highly skilled in farming tasks such as weeding (compacheros). Selling fattened pigs and arepas and cachapas to bodegas provided the income used for new clothes during Lent and December.

Tales of Properties in Los Valles del Tuy

Machete-Military Colonel Juan Crisóstomo “Juancho” Gómez (brother of Juan Vicente Gomez, Venezuela's military ruler since 1908) was the wealthiest landowner in Los Valles del Tuy. His hacienda Mendoza was an empire of seven states, producing coffee, sugarcane, meat, milk, and bananas.
In the region, authoritarian colonel-caporales acted on his behalf to control the peasant workforce, enforcing the repressive motto “Union, Peace, and Work” associated with his brother’s dictatorship.
After General Gómez’s death in 1935, the nation expropriated these lands. Under President López Contreras, the Mendoza Colony was settled by Canary Island families brought from Cuba through the Immigration and Colonization Institute. From 1937 onward, thanks to the irrigation system sourced from the Tuy River, it became a major agricultural supplier for Caracas, with strong production and improved living conditions for its settlers.

Julián, Carmen's father, did not invest in land but in the charcoal mining, in the era of the Industrial Revolution. Alongside agricultural expansion, new transportation infrastructure, particularly railroad stations, was developed to connect the valley towns with Caracas.

Carmen Andrea's Early Interests and Schooling (Part II)

She enjoyed whistling "like men" and singing songs she learned from family friends.
Throughout much of the 20th century, whistling by women was strongly discouraged and considered inappropriate or "unladylike" while it was widely accepted as a normal masculine behavior for men. The reason for this disparity was Gender Norms and Etiquette.
Voice and Power: Some feminist interpretations suggest that the interdiction was a way to keep women "voiceless," metaphorically and literally, reinforcing a paradigm of female silence and subservience.

Access to education in Yare was limited since there was only one teacher for boys and girls. Carmen' schooling was interrupted because she cried when separated from her mother.
She later received private instruction from Ana Graciela Francia while living in Los Añiles. Her school routine consisted of attending classes in the morning, returning home at midday to assist her mother with domestic tasks—such as pounding grain with a "pilón"—and then returning for afternoon lessons.
After several months, another teacher arrived at the school, but not all of the children got seats. So she took classes with Ms. Blanca Lovera Houtman for a time; but her schooling ended permanently when her father moved the family to Caracas.
Carmen learned half-writing, simple math, embroidery, and memorized national hymns (like those dedicated to Sucre and "Mi General") and received PE class, which had been incorporated into the Venezuelan school curriculum by 1919. She had good conduct and applied grades.

Pilón (Mortar and Pestle): In some cases, a mortar (a hollowed-out stone or tree stump) and heavy wooden pestle were used to pound the grain into a coarse meal.

Education History in Venezuela

Formal education in Venezuela emerged with the arrival of the Spaniards and developed under strong religious and elitist influence for much of the colonial period.
Andrés Bello and Parra León documented that in 1591, the first institution in Caracas taught reading, writing, and arithmetic.
Since the 17th century, Jesuits have promoted multi-class education with missionary objectives and clerical orientation. According to the Hispanic perspective, education should be provided to whites and white Creoles (blancos criollos); Indigenous people and mixed-race individuals ("pardos"), considered socially inferior, received an education focused on social skills to "civilize" them.
Until 1821, primary schools were private and religious.
In that year, the Escuelas de Primeras Letras para Niños y Niñas (Schools of First Letters for Boys and Girls) were decreed, making instruction compulsory for all children between the ages of six and twelve.
The successive struggles for independence and political conflicts of the 19th century prevented the real expansion of education.
By the middle of this century, the prestigious bachelor’s degree was awarded by the National Colleges. In primary schools, only one in every 114 children received an education.
Although public instruction for all levels, including primary, was decreed in 1863, no progress was evident until 1870 when funds were allocated to implement the decree.
The country's social (class-based) and economic structure—with limited urbanization, a predominantly rural population, agricultural dependence, and scarce public resources—profoundly conditioned access to and quality of education outside privileged contexts.
From the beginning of the 20th century until 1936, some progress was made in educational legislation, although it was limited. Mass public education was not yet consolidated, and significant inequalities in access persisted based on social class, race, or region.

Grandmother Vítora - Marital Status and Occupation

Marital Status
Vítora is a widow and the wife of an alcoholic, known for her hard work and resilience. José Cabrera would take her to his wife's house—or to the home of a female employer—to help gather grains or cook for the laborers.
According to family oral history, Vítora had four children with José, all of whom were registered as “natural,” as none of them inherited the Cabrera surname. Among them was Carmen’s father Julián Bernal. This suggests that Vítora and José were not legally married to each other.
Later, she entered into a relationship with Juan Pablo Retortillo. From this union, she had several children, all of whom carried the Retortillo surname, indicating that this relationship was likely formalized through marriage and that Juan Pablo belonged to her same social class.
The record found of a Retortillo in Yare dates back to 1751, indicating that he was a slave owner. A Don with power belonging to a lordship. It is likely that in some parish books, some people of mixed race were registered as white, and vice versa; and from there comes the explanation that the Retortillo generation linked to Vítora belonged to her social class! That is to say, perhaps in their ancestry, they took the surname.
Vítora appears to have been of indigenous origin, while José was Spanish.
If Vítora was taken to José’s wife’s household to work (between the 1885's and the 1890s), this supports the inference that she held the status of a concubine—a subordinate position outside legal marriage. Concubines, often Indigenous or enslaved women, occupied a significantly lower social and legal status than wives did. The reason was Domestic Labor as Carmen stated: an inherited colonial culture, where administrators encouraged concubinage in some cases, as these women provided essential domestic labor and cultural interpretation, reducing the need for wives from Spain (although the origin of Jose's wife is not revealed).
Unions with concubines were frequently out of wedlock and often resulted in mixed-race offspring, a class of people (known as mestizos) who occupied an ambiguous position in the colonial racial hierarchy of the time. While their status was subordinate, the longevity of some relationships suggests that they involved mutual arrangements and negotiations, and concubines were likely treated better than male Indigenous laborers.

Occupation
Vítora also works as a midwife.
Before the advent of modern medicine, traditional midwives remained the primary providers of childbirth care, assisting in homes and passing their knowledge from generation to generation. The lack of access to formal medical care and limited resources in many areas have made midwives indispensable. In Venezuela, this practice continued until the mid-20th century, with women giving birth with the assistance of midwives who traveled to attend deliveries. The limited reach of the public health system in rural populations meant that midwives remained essential until almost the end of the century

Pancha’s parents were Abuelito Fabián and Abuela Rafaela. She had eight siblings: four sisters (Dominga, Márgara, Justa, Fidela), two brothers (Manuel and Benjamín), and two siblings who had already died (Isabel and another whose name is unknown).
However, birth and religious records indicate the existence of an older sister, also named Francisca, who may have died before Pancha’s birth, as she was not recalled in the oral history transmitted to Carmen.
According to Carmen’s account, Abuela Rafaela died while pregnant, with the baby still in her womb.

History of Half-Sister Rosa (Daughter of Julián and Vicenta)

The interview shifts to the specific history of Carmen Andrea’s half-sister, Rosa, confirming her as Julián’s natural daughter.
Background: Rosa was Julián’s daughter with another woman, Vicenta, born before Juliancito, the Julián's last legitimate child with Pancha.
When Vicenta was widowed, she brought her six children to Julián’s house, and Julián welcomed them into his home. Pancha, unhappy with the situation, reported them to the civil authorities and demanded their eviction. Vicenta not only left the house but also abandoned her children, who were then distributed by the civil chief among relatives and acquaintances.
Rosa, the youngest, initially stayed with her grandmother Mari Pita along with her half-brothers. Later, Vítora (Pancha’s mother) took care of her alternately with Pancha, who eventually raised her with Julián until she was a young woman.
Rosa later moved to Caracas with a cousin, who took her to a brothel. Fortunately, Rosa managed to avoid becoming involved and instead found work as a maid caring for children, although she continued to face mistreatment and instability. The family searched for her, and eventually Carmen’s brother, Juliancito, located her.
Later, Rosa met Teófilo, who fell in love with her. They lived together and had children; however, he became an alcoholic and always lived in rented housing. He later developed mental illness and spent several years in an asylum. Rosa was left to raise their children by selling arepas in Caracas, with Pancha’s help. During this difficult period, Rosa became involved with the landlady’s son, who supported her and fathered several of her children.
After his release from the asylum, Teófilo returned to Rosa, unemployed due to his age and health condition, and remained with her until his death.

Rosa’s life was marked by hardship, instability, and dependence on others, shaped not only by poverty and limited personal choices but also by the gendered and racialized constraints that structured everyday life at the time. As a poor woman situated within a racially stratified society, her survival depended largely on relationships with men, who mediated access to housing, work, and social protection, thereby delimiting the range of possibilities available to her. Rosa’s trajectory thus offers a clear illustration of the intersecting forms of gender and racial discrimination that characterized this historical period, in which women’s lives were profoundly constrained by structural inequality. Her position as a poor woman did little to improve her material conditions or social mobility. Nevertheless, Rosa also emerges as a resilient figure who, despite exposure to exploitation and the risk of entering the sex trade, actively sought alternative paths for survival. Rather than remaining within the circuits of structural violence and abandonment to which she was subjected, she repeatedly pursued forms of work and support that allowed her to endure and care for her children under extremely precarious conditions.

Carmen's Family Occupation

Carmen describes a family economy centered on subsistence labor and small-scale commerce. Daily work included pounding and grinding grains, preparing arepas for sale, fattening pigs, raising hens, and mending clothes for others. During the corn season, the family also prepared cachapas, which were sold directly on the streets or distributed to local shops. Food production was closely tied to seasonal cycles and local demand.
Because her father cultivated his own plot of land, the household had access to vegetables, grains, poultry, and pigs raised for sale. In the period leading up to Lent and major holidays, pigs were fattened quickly in order to generate income, which was then used to purchase clothing and shoes and to meet the social expectations associated with festive occasions.

Both arepas and cachapas have deep historical roots in Indigenous foodways. Archival sources from the Archivo de Indias in Seville include a dictionary of the Chaima language that records the Indigenous term kachapa to describe a type of sweet corn flatbread prepared by the Chaima people. This food closely resembles the modern cachapa but was originally made without milk or later Venezuelan criollo additions. Among the Chaima, kachapa was considered a sacred food and functioned as a cultural emblem of the community.

Carmen’s First Kiss

Religious records show that Juliancito’s Catholic baptism was celebrated in January 1926, at which time his older sister, Carmen, was 13 years old. His godfather was her future brother-in-law, Jesús María.
According to Carmen, although they had known each other for as long as she could remember, they did not have close interaction until she was around 14 years old, when she received her first kiss (April 30, 1927). This occurred during a game in which he weighed her on a steelyard balance at the train station in Caracas.

Another Customs and Curiosities

October Festivities in Yare
St. Francis of Paola has been honored in Yare every April 2nd since 1726, when he was declared the town’s patron saint. This date often fell at the beginning of Lent, a period that did not coincide with harvest season, making the celebration difficult. In 1928, the parish priest, Father Gregorio Vicandy, together with the civil leader Santiago Sanoja, changed the celebration to October 28th. However, this date also proved unsuitable, as it coincides with the feast of Saints Simon and Jude Thaddeus. Therefore, by Decree No. 6007/95, signed by the Bishop of Los Teques, Pío Bello Ricardo, on September 13, 1995, the feast was changed a second time—this time to October 27th, where it remains today.
For the rest of the world, the feast of St. Francis of Paola continues to be celebrated on April 2nd.

"Bombache" (Baggy) Fashion of the era
In early 20th-century, the Venezuelan elite followed the fashions of Paris and London. Formal women's clothing adopted long dresses and corsets whereas elaborate hats, and three-piece suit for men.
However, in popular and rural clothing, for men the traditional outfit was the liqui liqui (trousers and a closed-collar jacket), commonly paired with the straw hat in the countryside and at informal events; while the wide skirts and blouses with ruffles were worn by peasant women, a confortable clothing suited to their daily labor. These styles were not considered part of "haute couture" fashion.
The loose and bombacha-style garments in popular and traditional clothing reflected a socioeconomic and cultural reality different from that of European capitals.

Attend the "Retreta" in Plazas
At the beginning of the 20th century in Venezuela, the "retreta" was a popular outdoor evening concert offered by musical bands (military or from local institutions), which served as an important social gathering and recreational activity in public squares, mainly in plazas Bolívar and other important parks and promenades in Caracas and other cities of the country.
The repertoire included a variety of genres, from national anthems and military marches (which was its original function) to popular and dance music such as waltzes, joropos (folk Venezuelan and Colombian music from Los Llanos), and boleros. This mix attracted different social strata.

Declaration of Falling in Love from the Bodega’s Window

One day, Jesús María stopped by Carmen’s family bodega and greeted her through the window. Standing directly in front of it, he hinted that he thought she might already have a suitor, and she teasingly asked why he was there. He told her that she would be seeing more of him from then on and openly admitted that he had come because he was in love. She did not respond at first, but later he spoke to her seriously, and she accepted him.

In Venezuela, a bodega is a small, modest, family-run neighborhood store where basic groceries, food, drinks, and some household items are sold at retail. It functions as a traditional corner store, supplying the local community in a close and direct manner. These establishments are usually located in residential areas, often within homes or small premises, and form an integral part of the neighborhood’s social fabric. They offer a limited but essential variety of products, such as rice, pasta, sugar, coffee, oil, canned goods, soft drinks, beer, and sometimes fresh produce or basic household items.
Beyond simply selling goods, bodegas serve as meeting points where store owners know their customers, build trust, and may extend credit or lend small amounts of money. A more rustic version of the bodega is known as a taguara, often a street stall or simple establishment where groceries, food, and drinks are sold. Taguaras are especially associated with the sale of traditional Venezuelan foods such as arepas, cachapas, and empanadas, and are common spaces for informal and inexpensive Creole food.

Jesús María’s Age – Children Before Marriage

Unknown Birth Year
Jesús María did not know his own age. No birth record has been found, and his mother never told him the year he was born. Carmen estimated that he was of a similar age to her mother; within this context, Carmen and Jesús María were approximately 15 years apart.
Within the family, his birthday was traditionally celebrated on October 15; however, accounts vary. Some relatives say he was born in 1897, others in 1898, and others in 1899. All agree that he was born at the end of the nineteenth century. Pancha’s baptism record places her birth in 1896, although Carmen believed her mother was born in 1898.
Interestingly, there is a baptism record in Yare for a “Jesús María” born on October 15, 1899, listed as “natural son of” Ruperta. However, Jesús María’s mother was named Saturnina. It is possible that this birthday was attributed to him based on that record, or that Ruperta may have been his godmother. Jesús María was also a common name at the time.
Parish records from this period often contain inconsistencies due to poor preservation (humidity, insects), transcription errors, irregular handwriting, variations in names and abbreviations, language shifts, and incomplete information regarding parentage. These issues frequently require careful interpretation by researchers.
For now, his true birth year remains a mystery.

His Children: Josefina and Susana’s Son
Prior to his marriage, Jesús María had a daughter, Josefina, with one woman, and later had a son with Susana.

Nine-Year Engagement

By the time Jesús María declared his love to Carmen, their interactions had consisted mainly of brief greetings. She accepted his courtship on the condition that it would be directed toward marriage, expecting that they would have time to get to know each other. To her surprise, he went directly to her father to formalize the engagement. She accepted his proposal.
They formally began their relationship with his visits to her home, strolls to the retreta in the plaza, and outings to the movies, though not to parties or dances, as she was not that kind of woman. Her father was always suspicious, just as he was with women in general. This talk about the role imposing to the women by the patriarchy, and how they must behave to deserve to be married.
These traits reflect characteristics commonly associated with machismo, including paternalism, protectiveness, polygamy, and infidelity, among others. Machismo seeks to affirm and justify male superiority and dominance over women. Cultural norms also played an important role, reinforcing the man’s authority within the family and his role as provider.

Delayed Marriage
The following year, Jesús María wanted to marry and had the means to do so, but Carmen felt she was still too young and was not in a hurry. As time passed, the wedding was postponed for another eight years. This delay was caused by Jesús María’s financial setbacks, including ruined crops, loss of animals, and the cost of a brother’s funeral, all of which were attributed to bad luck or a curse.
They endured persistent slander and gossip during this period. He felt ashamed about the prolonged delay, and her father often complained, but Carmen did not want to live amancebada. Jesús María refused to have a shabby wedding, while Carmen insisted on having not only a civil ceremony but also a religious one—simple if necessary, but complete.

Amancebado refers to a situation in which two people live together as a couple without being legally married. It describes a marital union or a regular sexual relationship between individuals who are not formally married.
They were so respectful toward each other that they never addressed one another using the informal language “tú”.

Marriage to Jesús María

Jesús María had loved Carmen since she was a girl, his dream of getting married with her came true. She never needed to flirt with him. He often told her, "I saw you beautiful only once", likely the moment he fell in love, though she never asked when. They finally married in 1937, when Carmen Andrea was 24 and Jesús María was over 40. Father José Vicente Espejo gifted them the religious service because she was a member of the Hijas de María society (for nine years). In their religious marriage record, Jesús María's father and her wife are listed as the witnesses.
At the time, posting marriage banns—or edicts—was a legal requirement in Venezuela. These public notices, used until 1982, announced an upcoming marriage to allow third parties to raise objections if any legal impediment existed, such as a prior marriage.

Hijas de María (Enciclopedia Católica)
The Daughters of Mary Immaculate originated after the Church-approved apparition of the Virgin of the Miraculous Medal to Sister Catherine Labouré in Paris in 1830. In 1847, a decree authorized establishing pious associations for young girls in all houses of the Daughters of Charity, granting them the same spiritual privileges as major Jesuit confraternities.
Over time, the association expanded: in 1876 it opened to young women outside the schools of the Daughters of Charity, and later papal decrees reaffirmed its privileges.
Its insignia is the Miraculous Medal on a blue ribbon. By 1897 it had 100,000 active members worldwide, with 400,000 enrolled since its founding.

In San Francisco de Yare, this society was founded by Father Espejo, Gregoria Diaz Diaz, alongside other women. This humble woman lived like a hermit, dedicating her life to Christ and to prayer. Every afternoon she would leave her bahareque (wattle-and-daub) hut in the town center of Yare only to attend Holy Mass. A devoted follower of Saint Francis of Paola, she used to wear the same habit: a long brown habit with a matching cord at the waist. In her home, she also taught catechism classes.
She supported herself by teaching basic literacy to children using the Mantilla textbook, charging one Bolívar per week.
Regarded as spiritually pure, Gregoria remained celibate throughout her life and was known for her holiness, prayer, and dedication to teaching. She died in Yare on July 25, 1969.

The term "Mantilla Book" generally refers to the "Reading Book" (with numbers 1, 2, or 3) by Luis Felipe Mantilla (a Professor of Spanish Language and Literature). This historical school textbook was used for teaching reading and writing in several Latin American countries, and it was very popular in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Financial Ruin

Jesús María's financial ruin was believed to continue after marriage, linked to "cosas malas" (bad things/witchcraft) done by a woman.
Looking back, Carmen wonders if envy or malice contributed to his downfall, because he had once been generous, respected, and prosperous, yet over time he became increasingly ruined and poor.
He used to be the head of his father' state. But even his own father troubled him with the "peones" of the property. Jesus Maria lost his workers, his earnings, and eventually everything.
Although many women were interested in marrying him, misfortune kept accumulating around them. Carmen insists she never imagined anything evil at the time, but now sees how many hardships surrounded their lives.

Children

Carmen Andrea became pregnant in the same week they married and had children: Santos, (Cristóbulo) one child who died shortly after birth from a high fever, and Tubita (Gertrudis' nickname).
The family grew with seven more children!