Annotations for Uncategorized: Context

It is likely that the region "El Trapiche" that Carmen mentions in the story of her encounter with the "Encanto" refers to Hacienda Piñango, an estate bordered by the Tuy River to the north; the Yare River and Hacienda El Secual to the south (with the Lagartijo River in between); the Lagartijo or Yare River to the east; and Hacienda La Soledad to the west.

The hacienda’s main activities were sugarcane cultivation and timber production. It includes a trapiche (traditional sugar mill) used to produce panela (unrefined cane sugar) and aguardiente (a distilled spirit).

Liqui liqui: The national costume for men in Venezuela and Colombia. Traditionally, the white, beige, cream, or ecru is made of linen or cotton cloth, or even gabardine or wool. The outfit is made up of full-length trousers and a long-sleeved jacket with a rounded Nehru-style collar, which is fastened and decorated by a junta (chain link similar to a cufflink).
"At the end of the 19th century, it became a typical Venezuelan costume. It began to be linked with the Llanos and with the figure of the llanero, who is strong and popular, and it became a very nationalistic garment."... "It has been used as a symbol of a nationality linked to rural life, to the figure of the llanero, to the figure of the caudillo". (Rodriguez Lehmann, a professor of Literature and scholar of the history of fashion and clothing in Venezuela, comments in her book "With Strokes of Silk"). It is a simple, popular garment worn by rural men.

Another Supernatural Experience: The Voice

Carmen was later called by her second name, "Andrea," three times by a ghostly (fañosa) voice while sweeping, which she attributed to the Purgatory ánimas (souls) that were understood not as distant or abstract entities, but as active and proximate presences capable of communicating with the living through signs, dreams, and auditory manifestations (Christian, 1981). Within this cultural framework, experiences such as hearing a voice—especially when calling a person by name during everyday domestic activities— are commonly interpreted as manifestations of ánimas requesting prayers, attention, or acknowledgment (Marzal, 1994; Meyer, 2009). These encounters were not perceived as pathological or extraordinary but rather as culturally intelligible forms of spiritual interaction embedded in the domestic sphere and mediated largely through women’s daily labor (Altez, 2006). In late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Venezuela, belief in Ánimas del Purgatorio was a central component of popular Catholic religiosity, particularly in rural communities (Altez, 2006; Marzal, 1994).

Tales of Properties in Los Valles del Tuy

Machete-Military Colonel Juan Crisóstomo “Juancho” Gómez (brother of Juan Vicente Gomez, Venezuela's military ruler since 1908) was the wealthiest landowner in Los Valles del Tuy. His hacienda Mendoza was an empire of seven states, producing coffee, sugarcane, meat, milk, and bananas.
In the region, authoritarian colonel-caporales acted on his behalf to control the peasant workforce, enforcing the repressive motto “Union, Peace, and Work” associated with his brother’s dictatorship.
After General Gómez’s death in 1935, the nation expropriated these lands. Under President López Contreras, the Mendoza Colony was settled by Canary Island families brought from Cuba through the Immigration and Colonization Institute. From 1937 onward, thanks to the irrigation system sourced from the Tuy River, it became a major agricultural supplier for Caracas, with strong production and improved living conditions for its settlers.

Julián, Carmen's father, did not invest in land but in the charcoal mining, in the era of the Industrial Revolution. Alongside agricultural expansion, new transportation infrastructure, particularly railroad stations, was developed to connect the valley towns with Caracas.

Carmen Andrea's Early Interests and Schooling (Part II)

She enjoyed whistling "like men" and singing songs she learned from family friends.
Throughout much of the 20th century, whistling by women was strongly discouraged and considered inappropriate or "unladylike" while it was widely accepted as a normal masculine behavior for men. The reason for this disparity was Gender Norms and Etiquette.
Voice and Power: Some feminist interpretations suggest that the interdiction was a way to keep women "voiceless," metaphorically and literally, reinforcing a paradigm of female silence and subservience.

Access to education in Yare was limited since there was only one teacher for boys and girls. Carmen' schooling was interrupted because she cried when separated from her mother.
She later received private instruction from Ana Graciela Francia while living in Los Añiles. Her school routine consisted of attending classes in the morning, returning home at midday to assist her mother with domestic tasks—such as pounding grain with a "pilón"—and then returning for afternoon lessons.
After several months, another teacher arrived at the school, but not all of the children got seats. So she took classes with Ms. Blanca Lovera Houtman for a time; but her schooling ended permanently when her father moved the family to Caracas.
Carmen learned half-writing, simple math, embroidery, and memorized national hymns (like those dedicated to Sucre and "Mi General") and received PE class, which had been incorporated into the Venezuelan school curriculum by 1919. She had good conduct and applied grades.

Pilón (Mortar and Pestle): In some cases, a mortar (a hollowed-out stone or tree stump) and heavy wooden pestle were used to pound the grain into a coarse meal.

Education History in Venezuela

Formal education in Venezuela emerged with the arrival of the Spaniards and developed under strong religious and elitist influence for much of the colonial period.
Andrés Bello and Parra León documented that in 1591, the first institution in Caracas taught reading, writing, and arithmetic.
Since the 17th century, Jesuits have promoted multi-class education with missionary objectives and clerical orientation. According to the Hispanic perspective, education should be provided to whites and white Creoles (blancos criollos); Indigenous people and mixed-race individuals ("pardos"), considered socially inferior, received an education focused on social skills to "civilize" them.
Until 1821, primary schools were private and religious.
In that year, the Escuelas de Primeras Letras para Niños y Niñas (Schools of First Letters for Boys and Girls) were decreed, making instruction compulsory for all children between the ages of six and twelve.
The successive struggles for independence and political conflicts of the 19th century prevented the real expansion of education.
By the middle of this century, the prestigious bachelor’s degree was awarded by the National Colleges. In primary schools, only one in every 114 children received an education.
Although public instruction for all levels, including primary, was decreed in 1863, no progress was evident until 1870 when funds were allocated to implement the decree.
The country's social (class-based) and economic structure—with limited urbanization, a predominantly rural population, agricultural dependence, and scarce public resources—profoundly conditioned access to and quality of education outside privileged contexts.
From the beginning of the 20th century until 1936, some progress was made in educational legislation, although it was limited. Mass public education was not yet consolidated, and significant inequalities in access persisted based on social class, race, or region.

Grandmother Vítora - Marital Status and Occupation

Marital Status
Vítora is a widow and the wife of an alcoholic, known for her hard work and resilience. José Cabrera would take her to his wife's house—or to the home of a female employer—to help gather grains or cook for the laborers.
According to family oral history, Vítora had four children with José, all of whom were registered as “natural,” as none of them inherited the Cabrera surname. Among them was Carmen’s father Julián Bernal. This suggests that Vítora and José were not legally married to each other.
Later, she entered into a relationship with Juan Pablo Retortillo. From this union, she had several children, all of whom carried the Retortillo surname, indicating that this relationship was likely formalized through marriage and that Juan Pablo belonged to her same social class.
The record found of a Retortillo in Yare dates back to 1751, indicating that he was a slave owner. A Don with power belonging to a lordship. It is likely that in some parish books, some people of mixed race were registered as white, and vice versa; and from there comes the explanation that the Retortillo generation linked to Vítora belonged to her social class! That is to say, perhaps in their ancestry, they took the surname.
Vítora appears to have been of indigenous origin, while José was Spanish.
If Vítora was taken to José’s wife’s household to work (between the 1885's and the 1890s), this supports the inference that she held the status of a concubine—a subordinate position outside legal marriage. Concubines, often Indigenous or enslaved women, occupied a significantly lower social and legal status than wives did. The reason was Domestic Labor as Carmen stated: an inherited colonial culture, where administrators encouraged concubinage in some cases, as these women provided essential domestic labor and cultural interpretation, reducing the need for wives from Spain (although the origin of Jose's wife is not revealed).
Unions with concubines were frequently out of wedlock and often resulted in mixed-race offspring, a class of people (known as mestizos) who occupied an ambiguous position in the colonial racial hierarchy of the time. While their status was subordinate, the longevity of some relationships suggests that they involved mutual arrangements and negotiations, and concubines were likely treated better than male Indigenous laborers.

Occupation
Vítora also works as a midwife.
Before the advent of modern medicine, traditional midwives remained the primary providers of childbirth care, assisting in homes and passing their knowledge from generation to generation. The lack of access to formal medical care and limited resources in many areas have made midwives indispensable. In Venezuela, this practice continued until the mid-20th century, with women giving birth with the assistance of midwives who traveled to attend deliveries. The limited reach of the public health system in rural populations meant that midwives remained essential until almost the end of the century

Another Customs and Curiosities

October Festivities in Yare
St. Francis of Paola has been honored in Yare every April 2nd since 1726, when he was declared the town’s patron saint. This date often fell at the beginning of Lent, a period that did not coincide with harvest season, making the celebration difficult. In 1928, the parish priest, Father Gregorio Vicandy, together with the civil leader Santiago Sanoja, changed the celebration to October 28th. However, this date also proved unsuitable, as it coincides with the feast of Saints Simon and Jude Thaddeus. Therefore, by Decree No. 6007/95, signed by the Bishop of Los Teques, Pío Bello Ricardo, on September 13, 1995, the feast was changed a second time—this time to October 27th, where it remains today.
For the rest of the world, the feast of St. Francis of Paola continues to be celebrated on April 2nd.

"Bombache" (Baggy) Fashion of the era
In early 20th-century, the Venezuelan elite followed the fashions of Paris and London. Formal women's clothing adopted long dresses and corsets whereas elaborate hats, and three-piece suit for men.
However, in popular and rural clothing, for men the traditional outfit was the liqui liqui (trousers and a closed-collar jacket), commonly paired with the straw hat in the countryside and at informal events; while the wide skirts and blouses with ruffles were worn by peasant women, a confortable clothing suited to their daily labor. These styles were not considered part of "haute couture" fashion.
The loose and bombacha-style garments in popular and traditional clothing reflected a socioeconomic and cultural reality different from that of European capitals.

Attend the "Retreta" in Plazas
At the beginning of the 20th century in Venezuela, the "retreta" was a popular outdoor evening concert offered by musical bands (military or from local institutions), which served as an important social gathering and recreational activity in public squares, mainly in plazas Bolívar and other important parks and promenades in Caracas and other cities of the country.
The repertoire included a variety of genres, from national anthems and military marches (which was its original function) to popular and dance music such as waltzes, joropos (folk Venezuelan and Colombian music from Los Llanos), and boleros. This mix attracted different social strata.

Declaration of Falling in Love from the Bodega’s Window

One day, Jesús María stopped by Carmen’s family bodega and greeted her through the window. Standing directly in front of it, he hinted that he thought she might already have a suitor, and she teasingly asked why he was there. He told her that she would be seeing more of him from then on and openly admitted that he had come because he was in love. She did not respond at first, but later he spoke to her seriously, and she accepted him.

In Venezuela, a bodega is a small, modest, family-run neighborhood store where basic groceries, food, drinks, and some household items are sold at retail. It functions as a traditional corner store, supplying the local community in a close and direct manner. These establishments are usually located in residential areas, often within homes or small premises, and form an integral part of the neighborhood’s social fabric. They offer a limited but essential variety of products, such as rice, pasta, sugar, coffee, oil, canned goods, soft drinks, beer, and sometimes fresh produce or basic household items.
Beyond simply selling goods, bodegas serve as meeting points where store owners know their customers, build trust, and may extend credit or lend small amounts of money. A more rustic version of the bodega is known as a taguara, often a street stall or simple establishment where groceries, food, and drinks are sold. Taguaras are especially associated with the sale of traditional Venezuelan foods such as arepas, cachapas, and empanadas, and are common spaces for informal and inexpensive Creole food.

Jesús María’s Age – Children Before Marriage

Unknown Birth Year
Jesús María did not know his own age. No birth record has been found, and his mother never told him the year he was born. Carmen estimated that he was of a similar age to her mother; within this context, Carmen and Jesús María were approximately 15 years apart.
Within the family, his birthday was traditionally celebrated on October 15; however, accounts vary. Some relatives say he was born in 1897, others in 1898, and others in 1899. All agree that he was born at the end of the nineteenth century. Pancha’s baptism record places her birth in 1896, although Carmen believed her mother was born in 1898.
Interestingly, there is a baptism record in Yare for a “Jesús María” born on October 15, 1899, listed as “natural son of” Ruperta. However, Jesús María’s mother was named Saturnina. It is possible that this birthday was attributed to him based on that record, or that Ruperta may have been his godmother. Jesús María was also a common name at the time.
Parish records from this period often contain inconsistencies due to poor preservation (humidity, insects), transcription errors, irregular handwriting, variations in names and abbreviations, language shifts, and incomplete information regarding parentage. These issues frequently require careful interpretation by researchers.
For now, his true birth year remains a mystery.

His Children: Josefina and Susana’s Son
Prior to his marriage, Jesús María had a daughter, Josefina, with one woman, and later had a son with Susana.

Nine-Year Engagement

By the time Jesús María declared his love to Carmen, their interactions had consisted mainly of brief greetings. She accepted his courtship on the condition that it would be directed toward marriage, expecting that they would have time to get to know each other. To her surprise, he went directly to her father to formalize the engagement. She accepted his proposal.
They formally began their relationship with his visits to her home, strolls to the retreta in the plaza, and outings to the movies, though not to parties or dances, as she was not that kind of woman. Her father was always suspicious, just as he was with women in general. This talk about the role imposing to the women by the patriarchy, and how they must behave to deserve to be married.
These traits reflect characteristics commonly associated with machismo, including paternalism, protectiveness, polygamy, and infidelity, among others. Machismo seeks to affirm and justify male superiority and dominance over women. Cultural norms also played an important role, reinforcing the man’s authority within the family and his role as provider.

Delayed Marriage
The following year, Jesús María wanted to marry and had the means to do so, but Carmen felt she was still too young and was not in a hurry. As time passed, the wedding was postponed for another eight years. This delay was caused by Jesús María’s financial setbacks, including ruined crops, loss of animals, and the cost of a brother’s funeral, all of which were attributed to bad luck or a curse.
They endured persistent slander and gossip during this period. He felt ashamed about the prolonged delay, and her father often complained, but Carmen did not want to live amancebada. Jesús María refused to have a shabby wedding, while Carmen insisted on having not only a civil ceremony but also a religious one—simple if necessary, but complete.

Amancebado refers to a situation in which two people live together as a couple without being legally married. It describes a marital union or a regular sexual relationship between individuals who are not formally married.
They were so respectful toward each other that they never addressed one another using the informal language “tú”.

Marriage to Jesús María

Jesús María had loved Carmen since she was a girl, his dream of getting married with her came true. She never needed to flirt with him. He often told her, "I saw you beautiful only once", likely the moment he fell in love, though she never asked when. They finally married in 1937, when Carmen Andrea was 24 and Jesús María was over 40. Father José Vicente Espejo gifted them the religious service because she was a member of the Hijas de María society (for nine years). In their religious marriage record, Jesús María's father and her wife are listed as the witnesses.
At the time, posting marriage banns—or edicts—was a legal requirement in Venezuela. These public notices, used until 1982, announced an upcoming marriage to allow third parties to raise objections if any legal impediment existed, such as a prior marriage.

Hijas de María (Enciclopedia Católica)
The Daughters of Mary Immaculate originated after the Church-approved apparition of the Virgin of the Miraculous Medal to Sister Catherine Labouré in Paris in 1830. In 1847, a decree authorized establishing pious associations for young girls in all houses of the Daughters of Charity, granting them the same spiritual privileges as major Jesuit confraternities.
Over time, the association expanded: in 1876 it opened to young women outside the schools of the Daughters of Charity, and later papal decrees reaffirmed its privileges.
Its insignia is the Miraculous Medal on a blue ribbon. By 1897 it had 100,000 active members worldwide, with 400,000 enrolled since its founding.

In San Francisco de Yare, this society was founded by Father Espejo, Gregoria Diaz Diaz, alongside other women. This humble woman lived like a hermit, dedicating her life to Christ and to prayer. Every afternoon she would leave her bahareque (wattle-and-daub) hut in the town center of Yare only to attend Holy Mass. A devoted follower of Saint Francis of Paola, she used to wear the same habit: a long brown habit with a matching cord at the waist. In her home, she also taught catechism classes.
She supported herself by teaching basic literacy to children using the Mantilla textbook, charging one Bolívar per week.
Regarded as spiritually pure, Gregoria remained celibate throughout her life and was known for her holiness, prayer, and dedication to teaching. She died in Yare on July 25, 1969.

The term "Mantilla Book" generally refers to the "Reading Book" (with numbers 1, 2, or 3) by Luis Felipe Mantilla (a Professor of Spanish Language and Literature). This historical school textbook was used for teaching reading and writing in several Latin American countries, and it was very popular in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.